Otros libros que te pueden interesar

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  Democracy Under Fire - Donald...

  Lawrence R. Jacobs

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  Before Trump even ran for President, his disdain for the rules, procedures, and norms of American democracy and the US Constitution was well-known and led prominent Republicans to repudiate him as "unfit" for the GOP nomination. Given the clear-eyed assessment of candidate Trump, why did the Republican Party nominate him as its presidential candidate in 2016 and then stand by him during the next four years? 
   
   
   
  Much of the attention paid to Trump's rise to power has focused on his corrosive personality and divisive style of governing. But he alone is not the problem. The vulnerability is much broader and deeper. The ascendance of Trump is the culmination of nearly 250 years of political reforms that gradually ceded party nominations to small cliques of ideologically-motivated party activists, interest groups, and donors. 
   
   
   
  In Democracy under Fire, Lawrence Jacobs provides a highly engaging history of political reforms since the late-eighteenth century that over time dangerously weakened democracy, widened political inequality as well as racial disparities, and rewarded toxic political polarization. Jacobs's searing indictment of political reformers concludes with recommendations to restrain the unbridled ambition of politicians who thrive on division and instead generate broad citizen engagement with tangible policy making.

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  Anarchism: What It Really Stands...

  Emma Goldman

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  Emma Goldman (1869 – 1940) was an anarchist political activist and writer. She played a pivotal role in the development of anarchist political philosophy in North America and Europe in the first half of the 20th century. 
  In this essay, (1910) Goldman sets forth her interpretation of the ideology of anarchism. Like most anarchists, she was highly idealistic; believing that human nature was inherently good, she was convinced that a state of absolute freedom would maximize human happiness and productivity. Here she enumerates the many constraints — including religion, property, law and government — that she sees as limiting the individual's liberty. She claims that anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth, an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life.

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  The Marxism of Che Guevara -...

  Michael Löwy

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   “Excellent. . . .The book gives one a clear understanding of the relationship of Guevara's thought to traditional Russian and Marxist philosophy.” —Choice Reviews   In this seminal exploration of Che Guevara’s contributions to Marxist thinking, Michael Löwy traces Che's ideas about Marxism both as they related to Latin America and to more general philosophical, political, and economic issues. Now revised and updated, this edition includes a chapter on Guevara's search for a new paradigm of socialism and a substantive essay by Peter McLaren on Che’s continued relevance today. Löwy portrays Guevara as a revolutionary humanist who considered all political questions from an internationalist viewpoint. For him, revolutionary movements in Latin America were part of a world process of emancipation. Löwy considers especially Che's views on the contradiction between socialist planning and the law of value in the Cuban economy and his search for an alternative road to the “actually existing socialism” of the Stalinist and post-Stalinist Soviet bloc. Che’s varied occupations—doctor and economist, revolutionary and banker, agitator and ambassador, industrial organizer and guerrilla fighter—were expressions of a deep commitment to social change. This book eloquently captures his views on humanity, his contributions to the theory of revolutionary warfare, and his ideas about society’s transition to socialism, offering a cohesive, nuanced introduction to the range of Guevara's thought.   “An excellent classroom tool for anyone teaching about Latin America or revolution.” ―Science & Society “[This book] provides us with the picture of [Guevara’s] great, flexible, and searching mind.” —Carleton Beals   “Michael Löwy’s brief but penetrating book takes Che Guevara not as a romantic adventurer but as a serious revolutionary militant.” ―Telos  

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  Keep Left - Red Paper on...

  Pauline Bryan

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  This book has a message for everyone concerned about the direction of politics in Scotland, the UK and beyond: do not despair. There are realistic, left alternatives to being stuck in a political 'doom loop'. 
  In 1975 the Red Paper on Scotland, edited by the young, radical Gordon Brown was a seminal publication; it helped create, not just catch, the mood of the day.  
  Fifty years later a new group of writers have come together to write about what we can learn from the past and how we can shape what lies ahead. 
  The authors of this book believe only a radical redistribution of wealth and power within a democratic economy will engage Scottish voters. It calls on us to Keep Left.

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  Pax Transatlantica - America and...

  Jussi M. Hanhimaki

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  Is the West finished as a political idea? In recent years, observers have begun pointing to signs that this transatlantic community is eroding. When the European Union expanded, the classic European nation state was in decline. Now, nationalism is on the rise. Furthermore, nations within the EU are less willing to cooperate with the US on policies that require sacrifice and risks, such as using military force alongside the US. Today, following the twin shocks of Brexit and Trump's election, the concept of a unified Western transatlantic community seems to be a relic. But, in Pax Transatlantica, the international historian Jussi Hanhimäki explains why the West is far from over. 
   
   
   
  Hanhimäki argues that—despite Trump's inflammatory, dismissive rhetoric—NATO continues to provide robust security for its member states. NATO has survived by expanding its remit and scope, and it is viewed favorably by member states overall. Moreover, the transatlantic relationship boasts the richest and most closely connected transcontinental economy in the world. Lastly, Hanhimäki traces the parallel evolution of domestic politics on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing on the rise of populism. He contends that populism is not causing a rift between the US and Europe. Rather, the spread of populism evinces that their politics are in fact closely integrated.

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  The War Ledger

  A.F.K. Organski, Jacek Kugler

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  The War Ledger provides fresh, sophisticated answers to fundamental questions about major modern wars: Why do major wars begin? What accounts for victory or defeat in war? How do victory and defeat influence the recovery of the combatants? Are the rules governing conflict behavior between nations the same since the advent of the nuclear era? The authors find such well-known theories as the balance of power and collective security systems inadequate to explain how conflict erupts in the international system. Their rigorous empirical analysis proves that the power-transition theory, hinging on economic, social, and political growth, is more accurate; it is the differential rate of growth of the two most powerful nations in the system—the dominant nation and the challenger—that destabilizes all members and precipitates world wars. Predictions of who will win or lose a war, the authors find, depend not only on the power potential of a nation but on the capability of its political systems to mobilize its resources—the "political capacity indicator." After examining the aftermath of major conflicts, the authors identify national growth as the determining factor in a nation's recovery. With victory, national capabilities may increase or decrease; with defeat, losses can be enormous. Unexpectedly, however, in less than two decades, losers make up for their losses and all combatants find themselves where they would have been had no war occurred. Finally, the authors address the question of nuclear arsenals. They find that these arsenals do not make the difference that is usually assumed. Nuclear weapons have not changed the structure of power on which international politics rests. Nor does the behavior of participants in nuclear confrontation meet the expectations set out in deterrence theory.

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