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  How We Got Our Antiracist...

  Jesse Merriam

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  Over the past decade, several American cities have been rocked by race riots. With each passing year, a new racial agenda emerges—from police defunding to education reform to reparations—inciting more and more division and radicalization along racial lines. What started all of this? The roots of this pathology run much deeper than the recent symptoms suggest. The civil rights revolution unleashed an assault on the US Constitution, and the sacralization of that revolution, marked by the canonization of Brown v. Board of Education (1954), has transformed our constitutional order. A system once rooted in local self-governance and natural rights now operates along new moral axes, entirely foreign to the American way of life. The choice is increasingly obvious: Either the traditional American order or the new civil rights regime will prevail.

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  Creating the KGB and CIA: The...

  Editors Charles River

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  The KGB is one of the most famous abbreviations of the 20th century, and it has become synonymous with the shadowy and often violent actions of the Soviet Union’s secret police and internal security agencies. In fact, it is often used to refer to the Soviet state security agencies throughout its history, from the inception of the inception of the Cheka (Extraordinary Commission) in 1917 to the official elimination of the KGB in 1992. Whether it’s associated with the Russian Civil War’s excesses, Stalin’s purges, and even Vladimir Putin, the KGB has long been viewed as the West’s biggest bogeyman during the second half of the 20th century. However, the KGB did not appear out of thin air. Naturally, the earliest Soviet leaders utilized intelligence agencies that collected information both abroad and within the Soviet Union, targeting foreign opponents and domestic opponents alike. Lenin did not imagine the scale of the opposition he would have to face after the revolution, and he quickly came to the conclusion that "a special system of organized violence" must be created to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat. 
  Though it might be hard to believe, the Americans did not have a covert operations organization when they joined World War II, and like the British, it took them some time to realize it could be a powerful tool. As a result, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) was not established until June 13, 1942, six months after the attack on Pearl Harbor. This would all chart a path for the early days of America’s most famous intelligence agency, the CIA. Although plagued by its own share of problems in its early existence during World War II and the early Cold War years, the agency’s early problems, smoothed over by a string of tenured presidents, paled in comparison to those it would face in the coming decades.

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  Road to Serfdom The: Book...

  Briefly Summaries

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  This is a concise summary and analysis of The Road to Serfdom, by Friedrich A. Hayek.
   
  It is not the original book and is not affiliated with or endorsed by Friedrich A. Hayek.
  Ideal those seeking a quick and insightful overview.
   
  The Road to Serfdom is a powerful critique of centralized economic planning and the dangers it poses to individual liberty and democratic institutions. Drawing from historical analysis and philosophical reasoning, this seminal work explores how the concentration of economic control can lead to the erosion of personal freedoms, the rise of authoritarian governments, and the decline of open societies. A cornerstone of political and economic thought, it remains an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the balance between freedom and government intervention in modern society.

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  The New World Order

  H. G. Wells

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  The New World Order is a non-fiction book written by H.G. Wells and was published by Secker & Warburg in January 1940. In The New World Order, Wells proposed a framework of international functionalism that could guide the world towards achieving world peace. To achieve these ends, Wells asserted that a socialist and scientifically planned world government would need to be formed to defend human rights.Wells's motivation for writing The New World Order was based upon the outbreak of World War II. Wells was concerned that the Allies had no clear statement of aims for fighting in the war and that this would lead to the continuation of the pre-existing balance of power. In The New World Order, Wells writes that without a revolution in international affairs and the establishment of human rights, then further destructive wars were inevitable.

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  Betrayal at the Highest Level:...

  Ronan Winslow

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  Betrayal at the Highest Level: Secrets of a Master Spy 
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  Please note that this guide is an independent resource and not affiliated with any official espionage organizations.  
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  The Era of Revolution - 1775-1796

  George Washington, Maximilien de...

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  Six speeches about freedom and revolution from the American, French and Irish revolutions.The first two speeches are from the American Revolutionary war (1775-1783). Patrick Henry’s “Give me Liberty or give me death” is recognized even today, two centuries since Henry spoke at the Second Virginia Convention to an audience including Thomas Jefferson and George Washington. The speech is credited with providing troops from Virginia for the revolutionary war.In the Newburgh Address, Washington and implores his army to put their faith in him. A mutiny was proposed because Congress has not paid them as promised. Washington needed to make clear to his generals that there was no option to surrender or turn away to unsettled lands, and that he was with them and on their side in the thick of both war and politics.Next is William Wilberforce’s Abolition Speech to the British parliament in 1789, the apex of a campaign that led to slavery being outlawed across the British Empire.Speeches from the French revolution then follow. First, there is the reaction from the aristocracy in England; a valediction from Edmund Burke, an MP in the British Parliament, on the beauty of Marie Antoinette and his sadness at her passing.Four speeches follow by Maximilien de Robespierre, a foundational member of the French Revolution, who laid down the political philosophy of liberty and the moral law over divinity and customary law. The speeches are filled with a passion for direct democracy and the rule of the people, not the elites.The volume ends with a more measured, but no less impassioned, address by the Irish lawyer and statesman John Curran. It was given in Curran’s defence of Archibald Rowan, who was sentenced to transportation to Australia for his treasonous activities fighting for Irish independence. While unsuccessful, this rallying cry for genuine self-determination and free speech captures the heart of the conflicts that defined the era.

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