In a world of dramatically polarized positions
and harsh political divides, the lack of civil
discourse leads to troubling ends — namely,
diminished trust in society and entrenchment
into our own limited worldviews. Sharing our
strongly held beliefs with those who agree with
us can be easy, particularly in a time when social
media creates an echo chamber. But if we are to
collectively identify solutions to the world’s most
complex issues, we must be willing to bridge
differences and engage with ideas that we may
not agree with.
Engaging in productive conversations requires
critical thinking, self-awareness, empathy,
tolerance, a sense of civic responsibility, a
willingness to learn from each other and a belief
that individual action matters.
Deep Dive offers learning materials to help educators foster these
skills and mindsets in their learners in order to
unite and inspire a generation to address the
world’s challenges and build a better future.
After Lee succeeded the wounded Johnston, he pushed McClellan’s Army of the Potomac away from Richmond and back up the Peninsula in late June, only to then swing his army north to face a second Union army, John Pope’s Army of Virginia. Needing to strike out before the Army of the Potomac successfully sailed back to Washington and linked up with Pope’s army, Lee daringly split his army to threaten Pope’s supply lines, forcing Pope to fall back to Manassas to protect his flank and maintain his lines of communication. At the same time, it left half of Lee’s army (under Stonewall Jackson) potentially exposed against the larger Union army until the other wing (under James Longstreet) linked back up. Thus, in late August 1862, the Army of Northern Virginia and the Army of Virginia found themselves fighting over nearly the exact same land the South and North fought over in the First Battle of Bull Run 13 months earlier.
Of all the Civil War battles fought, and of all the victories achieved by Robert E. Lee at the command of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, the Battle of Chancellorsville is considered the most tactically complex and ultimately the most brilliant Confederate victory of the war. In early May 1863, the Army of the Potomac was at the height of its power as it bore down on Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia near Fredericksburg, where the Confederates had defeated them the previous December. The Union behemoth had spent most of the winter season being reorganized and drilled by “Fighting Joe” Hooker, an aggressive commander who had fought hard at places like Antietam. With an army nearing 130,000 men, Hooker’s Army of the Potomac was twice the size of the Army of Northern Virginia. Lee’s heavily outnumbered army went on to win the most stunning victory of the war, but it cost them nearly 25% of their men and Stonewall Jackson.
The last twenty years have witnessed a proliferation of radical social and political movements around the world. From the International Women's Strike and Occupy, to #BlackLivesMatter and direct action against the climate emergency, a series of common questions have re-emerged as immediate and practical challenges. How should radical political movements relate to the state? What makes emancipatory politics fundamentally different from both technocratic and populist models of "politics as usual"? Which forms of organization are most likely to deepen and extend the dynamics that led to the emergence of these movements in the first place?
To investigate the goal, nature, method, and organizational forms of radical political engagement against the neoliberal consensus, Peter D. Thomas draws on the work of Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Communist Party leader and political theorist best known for his ideas about hegemony. Offering a new reading of Gramsci, Thomas contends that hegemony is a process of differentiation in which political culture is always changing, and always with the goal of moving toward expanded freedom. Over the course of the book, Thomas looks at the way in which various theorists have approached the dilemma of how to engage productively in radical politics and explains why hegemony is a method of doing politics rather than an end goal.
The 1985 State of the Union Address delivered February 6, 1985, on Reagan’s 74th birthday, reports the strongest economic growth in 34 years, 3-year inflation of 3.9%, and more citizens working than ever before. Despite progress Reagan notes “millions in our inner cities who long for real jobs, safe neighborhoods, and schools that truly teach” and people around the world “who struggle to break free from totalitarianism”.
“Our economy is not getting older and weaker; it's getting younger and stronger.” Reagan calls for further tax cuts to make America the investment capital of the world. He calls for enterprise zones, rejects policies that break up families and increase dependency, and says that “blacks, Hispanics, and all minorities will not have full and equal power until they have full economic power.”
“National security is government's first responsibility”. We “only have a military-industrial complex until a time of danger, and then it becomes the arsenal of democracy.” Reagan advocates the Strategic Defense Initiative against ballistic missiles as “the most hopeful possibility of the nuclear age” and looks forward to “the day when nuclear weapons are banned from this Earth forever.” Some say it will take a long time. The “answer to that is: Let’s get started.”
“Many countries in east Asia and the Pacific have few resources other than the enterprise of their own people. But through low tax rates and free markets they've soared ahead of centralized economies.” … “We've seen the benefits of free trade and lived through the disasters of protectionism. Tonight I ask all our trading partners, developed and developing alike, to join us in a new round of trade negotiations to expand trade and competition and strengthen the global economy …”
Audio recording courtesy of the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.
AspenLeafMedia.com
This book consists of the following two philosophers:
- Anaximander: Anaximander is best known for his revolutionary ideas about the cosmos. He proposed that the universe originated from the apeiron, an indefinite or boundless substance, which he believed was the source of all things. This concept marked a significant departure from the mythological explanations of the cosmos prevalent in his time, suggesting instead a naturalistic origin of the universe. His cosmological model, which included the idea of a cylindrical Earth suspended in space, demonstrated a sophisticated understanding of celestial mechanics for his era.
- Thales: In addition to his contributions to philosophy, Thales was also a mathematician and astronomer, and his influence in these fields is considerable. He is credited with being the first to predict a solar eclipse, using his understanding of the stars and celestial movements. His work in geometry is equally important—he is famously known for Thales’ Theorem, which laid the groundwork for the development of geometry. This theorem states that if two points are on a circle, and a line is drawn through them, then the center of that line will always lie on a straight line through the center of the circle. This geometric insight shows his ability to understand and systematize mathematical concepts that were previously unexamined.
Canadian Nathalie Morin's four children cannot leave Saudi Arabia without exit visas signed by Nathalie's abusive husband. Her mother chronicles her decades-long struggle to bring her daughter and four grandchildren home to safety in Montreal.
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